Introduction

Football, often celebrated as the world’s most popular sport, holds a unique position in the realm of cultural expression. Nowhere is this intersection more palpable than in the case of Iran, where the emergence and evolution of football have been deeply entwined with the country’s turbulent political history and diverse cultural tapestry.

Since its late entry onto the international football stage, Iran’s football journey has been a rollercoaster ride, punctuated by moments of triumph and turmoil, resilience and resistance. The 1979 Islamic Revolution and the subsequent Iran-Iraq War reshaped the landscape of Iranian football, ushering in an era of suspicion and control by the new regime. However, football’s spirit proved indomitable, gradually reclaiming its place as a national passion under shifting political tides.

Central to this narrative is the rise of Tractor Sazi FC, a football club born not just out of sporting ambition but also as a symbol of ethnic pride and defiance. Nestled in the north-western city of Tabriz, Tractor Sazi embodies the aspirations and struggles of Iran’s Azerbaijani-Turk community, challenging dominant narratives and asserting its identity on and off the pitch.

In this paper, we explore the activism and assertion of identity within Tractor Sazi’s fan base, unpacking how football stadiums have become arenas for political expression and resistance against hegemonic control. Drawing on Gramsci’s framework of hegemony and counter-hegemony, we analyse the complexities of power dynamics within Iranian football and the broader socio-political context.

Historical Background: Football and Politics in Iran

The emergence and development of football in Iran have been deeply intertwined with the country’s political and social dynamics. Despite its late entry onto the international football stage, Iran quickly established itself as a regional powerhouse in the 1970s, winning the Asian Nations Cup multiple times and making its debut in the World Cup in 1978.[1] However, the Islamic Revolution in 1979 and the subsequent Iraq-Iran war drastically altered the landscape of Iranian football.[2]

The influence of authoritarian regimes on football extended beyond governance to the very names of competitions, stadiums, and clubs. During the Shah’s reign, championships and stadiums were named after ancient Persian landmarks, reflecting the regime’s attempt to legitimize its rule through historical symbolism. In contrast, the Islamic Republic renamed stadiums and competitions to align with its ideological agenda, emphasizing Persian identity while rejecting perceived Arab influence. The renaming of clubs also reflected political shifts, with names like Tâj (Crown) being replaced by Esteghlâl (Independence), indicating the regime’s desire to assert its authority over national symbols. Despite the efforts of authoritarian regimes to control football, there have been instances of resistance and pushback. The revival of historical names, such as Persepolis, and the renaming of the Aryâmehr stadium to Âzâdi (Liberty) signal defiance against state-imposed narratives. Moreover, public protests against the renaming of competitions and stadiums demonstrate the resilience of Iranian national pride against perceived encroachments on identity.

The new regime viewed football with suspicion, associating it with excess, violence, and Western influence. As a result, football clubs were nationalized, and the national championship was replaced by provincial competitions. It wasn’t until 1989, with the end of the Iraq-Iran war and the presidency of Hashemi Rafsanjani, that a national championship was reinstated, marking the beginning of a gradual recovery for Iranian football.

The 1990s saw signs of revival in Iranian football, with the national team qualifying for the 1998 World Cup and performing admirably, including a historic victory over the United States. This period of resurgence coincided with the presidency of reformist Mohammad Khatami, who ushered in a more open and progressive era for Iran. The creation of the Iran Pro League in 2001 marked a significant milestone, transitioning football from amateurism to professionalism. This move, coupled with Iran’s qualification for the 2006 World Cup, signalled Iran’s re-emergence on the international football stage. However, political shifts within Iran, particularly the rise of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, disrupted the momentum of Iranian football.

Ahmadinejad’s presidency saw a decline in Iran’s football fortunes, with the national team failing to qualify for the 2010 World Cup. However, with the election of Hassan Rohani in 2013, football once again became a reflection of Iran’s international politics. The national team’s qualification for the 2014 and 2018 World Cups under Rohani’s leadership showcased Iran’s resilience and competitiveness on the global stage.

Today, the Iranian national team holds a respectable position in FIFA rankings, reflecting the country’s continued commitment to football excellence despite the challenges posed by political upheavals and regional conflicts. Iranian football’s journey from adversity to achievement serves as a testament to the enduring power of sport to transcend political boundaries and unite nations in pursuit of shared goals.

The emergence of Tractor Sazi FC

Tractor Sazi FC embodies a complex blend of sports, politics, and identity. Established in 1970 by the Iranian government tractor company as a means to foster a connection between the company, its workers, and the community, Tractor Sazi has evolved into one of the most intriguing clubs in the Middle East. Named after the company’s primary product, the club’s identity extends far beyond its name, resonating deeply with the Azerbaijani Turk population in the region. Tabriz, located in northwestern Iran near the Azerbaijan and Turkey borders, boasts a diverse demographic comprising Azerbaijani Turks. Despite attempts by Iranian authorities to suppress Azerbaijani-Turkish culture and language, Tractor Sazi serves as a symbol of identity and unity for the marginalized Azerbaijani-Turk community.[3] The club’s popularity extends beyond Iran, with support also coming from Azerbaijan and Turkey.

In recent years, sports, particularly football, have become a platform for ethnic groups to assert their rights and identities. FC Barcelona in Spain is a notable example, where the club and its fans embody a strong sense of Catalan identity (Chopra, 2014). Similarly, in Iran, Tractor Tabriz football club has taken on a similar role to Barcelona, serving as a symbol of Azerbaijani identity and empowerment.

Football clubs like Tractor Tabriz can galvanize fans with shared ethnic backgrounds to advocate for their rights within society. For example, Armenian center-back Varazdat Haroyan’s contract with Iranian Tractor Sazi Tabriz Football Club has been terminated due to objections from the club’s Azerbaijani fans. Initially, Tractor Sazi announced a two-year deal with the Armenian international on June 6, displaying his photo on their website. However, following backlash from Azerbaijani supporters, the club released a statement on June 7 citing Haroyan’s ethnicity as the reason for the cancellation.[4] This phenomenon, described by Kuper as “football against the enemy,” reflects how football clubs represent more than just sports teams; they become vehicles for ethnic expression and solidarity.[5]

The journey undertaken by supporters of Tractor Sazi traverses the eastern edge of the Angoran protected area, where wild boar and wolves inhabit the rugged hills. After passing through Qazvin, an ancient city with a tumultuous history, travelers join Freeway One for the final leg of the ninety-minute drive into the capital city of Tehran. This route is a familiar one for Tractor Sazi fans, who embark on it whenever their team faces off against major rivals in Tehran, such as Esteghlal, Persepolis, and Naft Tehran. These encounters with formidable opponents, including Sepahan of Isfahan in the south, serve as significant hurdles for Tractor Sazi’s aspirations of national dominance in Iranian football.

Tractor matches often draw large crowds, with tens of thousands of supporters filling stadiums, particularly when facing Tehran’s dominant clubs, Esteghlal and Persepolis. This rivalry not only reflects sporting competition but also serves as a platform for expressing regional identity and challenging the centralized power structure in Tehran. Despite facing punishments from the Iranian Football Federation and the Sports Ministry, including match bans and fines, Tractor Sazi’s supporters remain undeterred in their allegiance to the club.

The question arises here: How does politics affect football and vice versa? What form do these effects usually take? To answer these questions this paper will analyze several events in Iranian football, the attitude of the Tractor fans to the political developments in the country and overall, in the region.

Activism with and within Tractor

The fervent support for Tractor Tabriz football club stems from the politicization of the Iranian soccer league by non-Persian teams and their fans, particularly those from Tabriz Tractor. These fans actively advocate for the recognition of their Azerbaijani identity, demanding instruction and television broadcasting in their native Azerbaijani language. During games, they vocalize Pan-Turkic and Pan-Azerbaijani slogans and utilize symbols associated with Pan-Turkic and Azerbaijani nationalism, such as the hand gesture of the wolf’s head, which has been used by Nothern Azerbaijani and Türkiye’s Turkish nationalist groups for decades.[6] Among the slogans are, for example, “Tabriz, Baku, Ankara, our path leads elsewhere than the path of the Persians”, “Azerbaijan is ours, Afghanistan is yours”, “All people have the right to study in their own language”, “Down with Persian fascism”, “Long live a free Azerbaijan”, “To hell with those who do not like us”, and “We are proud to be Turks”.[7] This level of ethnic nationalism within Iranian football is unprecedented and indicative of the deep-seated grievances and aspirations of the Azerbaijani community in Iran.

The nationalist fervor extends beyond Iranian borders, with incidents occurring during Tractor’s matches abroad. In a notable incident during an Asian League match against Al-Jazira Sports & Culture Club in the United Arab Emirates, Tractor fans unfurled banners proclaiming “South Azerbaijan is not Iran” and chanted nationalistic and anti-Iranian slogans.

The use of nationalist banners and slogans by Tractor fans reflects a broader trend in football activism, akin to campaigns by other nationalist movements such as FC Barcelona’s supporters advocating for Catalan independence. Tractor fans view FC Barcelona as a friendly or affiliated team due to perceived similarities in their nationalist aspirations.[8] This sentiment is reinforced through online platforms where fans share photographs and videos of Azerbaijani nationalist displays at football matches.

Focusing first on the domestic level, Tractor Sazi is an expression of discontent by the ethnic Azerbaijani people living in the northern borders of Iran. The fans of the Tractor Sazi, unlike the political arena and streets, are partly free to express their opinion in the stadiums on the domestic problems and suppression by the Iranian authorities even sometimes exceeding to the level of insulting the religious leader of Iran. The past mass demonstrations in Iranian Azerbaijan in 2006, 2011, and 2012, coupled with the increasing prominence and politicization of the Tractor Tabriz soccer club, have underscored the growing confidence and unity among Iranian Azerbaijanis in national politics. Soccer, particularly through matches involving Tractor Tabriz, has emerged as a significant arena for Azerbaijani-Persian rivalry and serves as a platform for venting ethnic, economic, and political frustrations. Azerbaijani nationalism, anti-Persian sentiments, and separatist aspirations are frequently displayed during soccer matches, highlighting the deep-seated grievances within the Azerbaijani community.

For example, despite television cameras capturing insulting behavior against ethnic Azerbaijanis in cities like Kerman, Isfahan, and Bushehr, the disciplinary committee of the Iranian Pro League failed to take appropriate action. The situation escalated during a match between Tractor Sazi and Persepolis in Tehran, where thousands of Persepolis fans directed insults towards Turks, which were broadcasted live on television. In response to the discriminatory behaviour and the silence of the referee and football federation, Tractor Sazi spectators protested, leading to further unrest. Tractor’s fans resorted to extreme measures, setting fire to stadium seats, prompting a violent response from security forces. Despite clear evidence of racist conduct from Persepolis fans, the disciplinary committee only penalized Tractor Sazi, imposing sanctions including a two-game spectator ban and financial penalties. This unequal treatment sparked outrage among Tractor’s supporters, who prepared a petition urging FIFA to intervene and address the injustices and racist atmosphere prevalent in Iranian football stadiums.[9]

Interconnecting regional and local politics, the incident between Tractor Sazi FC and Persepolis FC at Azadi Stadium in Tehran on November 25th was marked by disrespectful behaviour from three Persepolis hooligans. Before the game, these individuals sent a video to Azerbaijani fans displaying a slogan supporting “Artsakh [Karabakh in Azerbaijani] is Armenia”, in response to Tractor Sazi’s slogan regarding the Persian Gulf. Furthermore, they entered the stadium with banners promoting the so-called Karabakh, further provoking Azerbaijani fans.[10]

Moreover, reports from local sources suggest potential political interference in the final game determining the Iranian Pro League champions. Allegedly, plain-clothed government officials circulated rumors within Sahand Stadium, falsely claiming that Tractor Sazi’s main rival, Sepahan, had drawn with Saypa in a simultaneous match, putting Tractor Sazi in the lead. Under this misinformation, Tractor Sazi was expected to secure a tie against Naft Tehran to maintain their supposed lead. However, Sepahan had actually defeated Saypa and during this period the internet connection also was limited so that the Tractor squad would not learn about the final and exact result of the game, securing a total point advantage over Tractor Sazi. Consequently, Tractor Sazi and their supporters rushed the field post-game, believing they had won the league. This deceptive information may have influenced Tractor Sazi’s strategy in the final minutes, leading them to play defensively to maintain their 3-3 tie, rather than pushing for an additional point to secure victory. Furthermore, the team’s midfielder received a controversial red card within the last 20 minutes of the game, leaving Tractor Sazi with one less player on the field. The lack of transparency regarding the red card, coupled with the absence of replays, has fueled accusations of unfair treatment and political manipulation. Fans, taking to social media, allege that the player’s dismissal was unjust and politically motivated, aimed at preventing the Azerbaijani national team from claiming victory. The atmosphere within the stadium shifted dramatically from celebration to anger following the referee’s decision. To mitigate potential unrest, government agents disseminated false information about Tractor Sazi’s standing, falsely maintaining crowd control and perpetuating the belief that they had won the league. This sequence of events has led many to speculate that government officials manipulated the game to favor a particular outcome.[11]

Over the years, the northwestern regions of Iran have been marked by various protests reflecting the Azeri populace’s quest for cultural and linguistic rights. Tractor Sazi football fans, hailing from Tabriz in East Azerbaijan, have emerged as prominent voices advocating for their rights and expressing solidarity with Turkey. They used football matches as a platform to voice their grievances, from demanding education in their mother tongue to raising awareness about issues like the plight of Lake Urmia. In 2010, thousands protested in Tabriz, demanding education in Azerbaijani and condemning perceived discrimination. Basij militia members violently suppressed the demonstration, which was reportedly organized by Tractor fans. Similar protests addressing ecological concerns, particularly the drying of Lake Urmia, began in 2014 and escalated over time.[12]

The influence of the Azerbaijani government on the Iranian-Azerbaijani community, particularly through support for the Tractor Sazi soccer team, is a matter of speculation, with allegations suggesting financial backing from Baku for the team’s facilities and supplementary activities. While these claims remain unverified, they point to a potential indirect influence on the community’s sentiments. Additionally, there have been symbolic gestures, such as debates in the Azerbaijani parliament about renaming the country, which hint at a broader sense of solidarity with Iranian Azerbaijanis, albeit not resulting in tangible action.[13]

In response, the Iranian regime employs various methods to counter separatist sentiments, including infiltrating and monitoring potential separatist groups from their inception. There are reports of separatist cells forming among Tractor Sazi fans, particularly gathering in Nakhchivan, an Azerbaijani exclave accessible to Iranian citizens without a visa. To mitigate the perceived threat, the Iranian government appears to be actively infiltrating these networks with agents and targeting politically engaged fans for prosecution. This indicates a concerted effort by Tehran to suppress any signs of separatism or political activism among Iranian Azerbaijanis, even within the realm of sports fandom.

However, the Tractor fans’ discontent and expression does not focus only on the political or ethnic level but even reaches the social problems. Supporters of Tractor clashed with Iranian security forces during a match against Persepolis FC in Tehran. Tractor fans protested the lack of aid for earthquake victims in East Azerbaijan in 2012. After the mass discontent voiced in the stadiums and matches by the supporters of the local team, Iranian high-level officials criticized the government for failing to deliver promised assistance and accused other officials of encouraging temporary marriages to suppress dissent.[14]

The activism of Tractor fans and the formulation of their opinion about the country’s external conflicts and foreign policy also played a major role in their understanding of the government. The topic of Iranian Azerbaijani nationalist aspirations has started to intersect with the Syrian Civil War. Iranian Azerbaijani supporters have protested against Iran’s involvement in Syria, which they consider an indirect battle against Turkish interests there, at several Azerbaijani Tractor matches. Iranian football supporters in Azerbaijan have also expressed their displeasure with Syria by burning images of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad and yelling pro-Turkish slogans. Thus, in their view, Iran is once more aiding a Turkish adversary in a military confrontation. Seven onlookers have been taken into custody. During the game, Tractor Sazi supporters screamed “Death to Kurds.” Not only that, but some of the supporters were holding placards that said, “Either Czechoslovakia or Yugoslavia!” They were alluding to the civil war that decimated the former Yugoslavia and the peaceful split of Slovakia from the Czech Republic.[15]

Interestingly, Iranian and Azerbaijani teams worked together against the government and its economic and social policies putting aside the rivalry. In 2018, Iranian security forces clashed with football fans chanting anti-government slogans at Tehran’s Azadi Stadium, marking the first such confrontation since nationwide protests began in December. Tractor Sazi supporters, clad in red shirts, repeatedly chanted “Death to the dictator,” a slogan synonymous with recent anti-government protests, while Esteghlal fans, in blue shirts, joined in. Video footage verified by VOA Persian depicted security forces beating fans in response to the chants, with some fans seen tending to wounds. These scenes, unprecedented at Azadi Stadium, occurred amidst ongoing protests against economic hardships and government corruption. In an unusual move, social media photos confirmed the deployment of a military vehicle inside the stadium to quell the unrest. Despite attempts to control the situation, the regular-season match proceeded as scheduled, with Esteghlal defeating Tractor Sazi 3-0. Observers noted Iranian state TV’s censorship of stadium chants, suggesting an effort to suppress dissenting voices.[16]

Discussion and conclusion

The discourse surrounding the Tractor Tabriz football club, particularly within the context of Iranian society, resonates with Gramsci’s theory of hegemony and counter-hegemony. Gramsci’s framework suggests that cultural institutions, such as sports, can serve as battlegrounds where dominant ideologies are both reinforced and challenged. Tractor Tabriz’s fan base exemplifies this duality, embodying elements of both conformity to dominant power structures and resistance against them.

At the heart of Gramsci’s discourse lies the concept of hegemony, wherein dominant groups establish and maintain their power by shaping societal norms, values, and beliefs. In the case of Iranian football, the Persian-centric narrative historically dominated the sport, reflecting the broader hegemonic control exerted by the Iranian government over cultural expression. Tractor Tabriz’s emergence as a focal point for Azerbaijani identity and nationalist sentiment challenges this hegemony. The fans’ insistence on promoting their Azerbaijani heritage, advocating for linguistic rights, and expressing solidarity with Pan-Turkic nationalism disrupts the Persian-centric narrative, thereby contesting the hegemonic order imposed by the Iranian state.

Moreover, the ambivalence within the Gramscian discourse is evident in Tractor Tabriz’s complex relationship with power. While the club and its supporters may be seen as defenders of the dominant ideology, particularly with their use of nationalist symbols and slogans, they simultaneously engage in acts of resistance against hegemonic control. By vocalizing grievances, challenging discriminatory practices, and mobilizing for political and social change, Tractor Tabriz fans embody Gramsci’s notion of counter-hegemony. Their actions represent a grassroots effort to subvert the existing power structures and assert their agency within the socio-political landscape of Iranian football.

Furthermore, the transnational dimension of Tractor Tabriz’s activism underscores the interconnectedness of local struggles with broader geopolitical dynamics. The fans’ solidarity with Turkish and Azerbaijani causes, as well as their opposition to Iranian involvement in conflicts like the Syrian Civil War, demonstrates a nuanced understanding of regional politics and a rejection of hegemonic narratives propagated by the Iranian state.

In summary, the complex relationship between football and politics in Iran, as exemplified by the journey of Tractor Sazi FC and its passionate supporters, underscores the significant role of sport as a platform for both conformity and resistance within society. From historical shifts to contemporary activism, Iranian football reflects the ongoing struggle for ethnic recognition, socio-political expression, and regional solidarity. This dynamic interplay highlights the enduring power of sports to shape narratives, challenge dominant ideologies, and foster collective identity amidst political turmoil and societal change.


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[2] Bromberger, C. (2020, May 31). Football and the authoritarian regime in Iran. Soccer & Society, 21(6), 692–698.

[3] Levy, U. (2020, December 24). Big Red Wolf: The Story of Tractor Sazi. BabaGol

[4] Asbarez. (2016, June 7). Armenian Footballer’s Iranian Club Deal Canceled Because Of Azeri Fans.

[5] Kuper. (1994). Football Against the Enemy.

[6] BalaEddy, P. (2023, July 5). Football as a Platform for Ethnic Identity Assertion in Iran. Project on Middle East Political Science.

[7] Mehdisoy. (2019). Eybi yoxdu ölərəm mən Təki sən yaşa Azərbaycan : Güney Azərbaycan Təbriz Tractor takımının oyunundan [Video]. Youtube.

[8] Tarakameh. (2021). Case Study of Tabriz’s Tractor Football Club In Iran. International Journal of Sport Culture and Science, 9(2).

[9] Bugun. (n.d.). Tractor sazi football club and Racism in Iran.

[10] Axar News Agency. (2018, November 26). Tractor Sazi FC’s fans face racist slogans of Persepolis.

[11] Araz News. (2015). Fans upset at misleading rumors of Tractor Sazi’s victory

[12] Araz News. (2014). Call to save Lake Urmia in Tractor’s match

[13] Keating, J. (2012, February 2). Azerbaijan to change name to Northern Azerbaijan; to annoy Iran? Foreign Policy.

[14] Dorsey. (2012, December 13). Security forces’ attack on Azeri fans marks rising ethnic tension in Iran. Hürriyet Daily News.

[15] Radio Liberty. (2019, November 3). Iranian Officials React To Soccer Match With Political Overtones. Radio Free Europe / Radio Liberty.

[16] Sigarchi, A., & Lipin, M. (2018, August 11). Police Beat Fans Chanting ‘Death to Dictator’ at Tehran Stadium. Voice of America.

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